As Voltaire noted that “History is replete with the sound of silken slippers (US being dominant strategic and economic power) going downstairs and wooden shoes (rise of the rest) coming up”. The stage looks set for a new competition for power between the United States and the rest. The world is moving swiftly from unipolar to multipolar power structure, if not already there. The unilateral predilection of the US in the conduct of international politics has propelled the regional powers to contest its hegemony and work towards a fair and equitable international order. The emerging regional powers especially China, Russia and India are trying to strengthen their influence in world politics because of their capabilities. The most vocal collective manifestation of this effort is the grouping of BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa). The heightened attention to BRICS, in global discourse, underscores the fact that emerging economies are striving to reduce their dependence on Western-centric models of global governance. BRICS is undergoing a calculated phase of expansion as the lineup of aspiring members continues to expand.   

BRICS has effectively articulated the increasing frustration of emerging economies with the dollar. Unilateral sanctions motivated by geopolitical and geostrategic considerations have fueled the disillusionment with the dollar in many regions of the world. The increased use of sanctions as a tool of statecraft has increased resentment and the notion of neo-imperial control is gaining traction in the Third World countries. This has prompted many countries to vouch for the replacement of the dollar as a global reserve currency. Another strategy is to displace the dollar by trading through the local currencies to circumvent the potential pitfalls of using the dollar. This poses a serious challenge to the US’ ability to cripple the economies of strategically defiant nations.

The US approach to BRICS has dramatically changed in a short period of time. The outgoing Biden administration was dismissive of BRICS as some sort of threat, even in the closing months of its tenure. While the incoming administration in Washington perceives BRICS as a likely threat to the US’ financial and political preeminence worldwide. In the backdrop of the relative decline of US economic and financial power, a cascade of tariffs has been issued directly by President Trump to the BRICS nations to deter such efforts to undermine the US Dollar. Kremlin, in response to this said that such threats will backfire as more and more countries are switching to the use of national currencies in their trade and foreign economic activities.

Moreover, the uncertain dynamics of admittance, hesitation regarding admittance (in case of Turkey) rejection by invited nations within the BRICS framework serve as an indicator of the bloc’s evolving identity and its uncertainty in shaping the global order. Argentine has declined the BRICS invite for greater economic opportunities with the US. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia is hedging its membership invitation by holding its cards close to its chest, indicate the seriousness of US’ uneasiness with the bloc. On the flip side of it, the recent inclusion of countries like Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a resounding testimony of the growing appeal and influence of the bloc. But it is important to note that the BRICS nations are not a homogeneous group of countries with common aims and objectives. The inclusion of countries from diverse geographical regions could potentially make the consensus making and joint effort within the grouping cumbersome and a difficult process. This pitfall could be mitigated through structural reform of the decision-making process within the grouping.

Furthermore, Trump’s threats to BRICS nations could potentially be more worrisome for a few countries, like India. New Delhi is amongst the founding members of the grouping, but it has divergent foreign policy aspirations. India’s paradoxical positioning: a committed member of BRICS yet strategically aligned with Western powers, particularly the US, has raised fundamental questions about the effectiveness of the platform. India’s foreign policy choices align closely with US strategic interests, potentially undermining BRICS’ collective strength because a complete consensus among BRICS nations is needed to proceed with any effort. India’s role within BRICS may serve as a conduit for Western influence, weakening the bloc’s strategic autonomy. India is neither committing itself for a shared BRICS currency nor for the reforms that could imply de-dollarization, due to its foreign policy interests but if the BRICS nations pursued their avowed agenda then it could be a major foreign policy dilemma for India. As BRICS nations are searching for options to reshape the distribution of global economic power, even efforts such as the adoption of the Euro by advanced European capitalist economies have failed to displace the USD from its position as the dominant currency of our time. So, dethroning the dollar as a dominant global currency would take a lot of collective effort from the interested countries at the expense of US’ tariffs and alienation efforts. While Trump’s threats seem to have a pacifying impact upon the BRICS nations it would ultimately push the countries to look for alternatives to bypass the economic arm twisting by US, especially with Trump in power. For the countries looking to diversify their economic options, China seems an attractive option. So, the protectionist policies aimed at arresting the decline of US power could potentially have a counter-productive effect in the long run upon the Third World nations from the perspective of the US. As the Trump begin to shape the world economy, the alternative options for the developing economies seem more appealing, giving the Global South narrative paddled by China and other emerging economies more traction among the Third World through BRICS platform.

This article was published in another form at https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2025/05/17/the-future-of-brics-with-trump-in-power/

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Mr Syed Ali Abbas

Research Officer/ Comm Officer/ Managing Editor CISS Insight

Syed Ali Abbas is a Research Officer/Communication Officer at the Center for International Strategic Studies (CISS), Islamabad. Previously, he served as an associate editor at Indus News Network. His areas of interest include Middle East politics, military modernization, foreign policy, and nuclear politics. He has contributed to various platforms, including The National Interest, South Asian Voices, and others.

Dr Anum Riaz

Associate Director Research

Dr. Anum Riaz is the Associate Director Research at the Center for International Strategic Studies, Islamabad. She holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the Department of Political Science at Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan. She also possesses M.Phil. and M.Sc. degrees from the Department of Defence and Strategic Studies at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. Additionally, she has taught BS and Master’s students at the Department of Political Science at Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan. Her areas of interest include strategic studies, international relations, international nuclear politics, the nuclear non-proliferation regime, arms control and disarmament, as well as traditional and non-traditional security issues.

Dr Bilal Zubair

Director Research

Dr. Bilal Zubair has worked as an Assistant Professor at the National Defence University Islamabad and Lecturer at the National University of Science and Technology. He holds a Ph.D. and M. Phil. in International Relations from Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad. Dr. Zubair is author of the book Chinese Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in the United States (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024) and contributed to several journal articles and book chapters focusing on soft power, diplomacy, and China’s role in international relations.

His research has been published in various academic journals, and he has presented at international conferences Dr. Zubair has also been an active reviewer and editorial board member. His professional interests include great power politics, and the role of communication in global diplomacy.

Mr Mobeen Jafar Mir

Research Officer

Mobeen Jafar Mir is a Research Officer at the Center for International Strategic Studies (CISS), Islamabad. His research focuses on U.S. foreign policy, particularly in the areas of strategy, technology, and arms control. He is currently pursuing an M.Phil. in International Relations at the School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. He can be found on Twitter @jafar_mobeen.

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