Professor Siegfried Hecker, former director of Los Alamos Nuclear Laboratory once said, “Security is a journey not a destination.” In other words, it is an ongoing process which requires persistent oversight and improvements in line with the evolving nature of threat and developments in technology.

Specialised nuclear materials are scarce. Only a few states are endowed with any significant deposits of these rare and costly materials. Their safety and security are a national responsibility. India seems to be failing in that responsibility.

Within one month there have been two incidents of uranium trafficking involving 7.1 and 6 kilograms of natural uranium respectively in two different states. Arrests were made and the news was widely covered in the Indian media.

Later, news came that India’s Department of Atomic Energy had confirmed the material seized in Jharkhand was not uranium. Be that as it may, there have been previous incidents of nuclear materials theft in India.

Pakistan has legitimate reasons to be concerned, not only because such incidents are hazardous but also because it has been the target of international scrutiny for imaginary threats to its nuclear assets for decades.

However, there is deafening silence on the evident lapses in nuclear security in India. India’s Quad partners, US, Japan and Australia – champions of nuclear non-proliferation and security — seem to be totally oblivious to the happenings in India.

While it is important to keep an eye on such developments and also point out the double standards that inform the functioning of the international order, it is equally important not to lose perspective.

Let us examine these two recent incidents of trafficking of uranium in India, which incidentally are not the first of their kind. In fact, as pointed earlier, there is a long list of similar leaks in India’s nuclear security architecture in the past. A careful analysis of the technical aspects of the incidents is in order here.

The nature of the material from all available evidence suggests that in both cases it was natural uranium, raw and unprocessed which means that it is neither highly radioactive, nor of any use as nuclear explosive material.

Uranium, as it occurs in nature, contains 99.3 percent of U238 and 0.7 percent of U235 which is the bomb material, provided one could enrich it to 90 percent or above of U235 content – a highly complex and costly process in itself. The two consignments themselves would not yield any significant amount of nuclear explosive material but are symptomatic of the loopholes and weaknesses in India’s Nuclear Security Architecture which still relies on Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) – a third line security force.

This is in sharp contrast to Pakistan’s purpose-built Nuclear Security Force comprising 30,000 personnel with air and maritime components and counter-intelligence teams. These incidents raise many important questions.

First, do the people caught in these two illicit trafficking incidents belong to the same criminal network or are they members of different criminal gangs? If the answer to the first part is in affirmative, it indicates the presence of a well-coordinated criminal network of national or international proportions. If it indicates the second possibility, it means there is a proliferation of criminal enterprises within India involved in this dangerous business. Both have serious ramifications.

Second, who were the prospective customers of this illicit material; individuals, entities local or foreign or some state? Again, each of these possibilities will have their own peculiar ramifications.

Third, were these two consignments intended for the same customer or were destined for different customers? Here again if it is the former, it indicates that someone is accumulating large stockpiles of special nuclear materials by receiving these in small manageable batches; if latter, that will have its own implications.

Fourth, was the material stealthily pilfered from some uranium mine, uranium processing and refining facility or have the traffickers created a secret stockpile of material of their own from where they are dishing out material in convenient packages? Again, all these have very disturbing connotations varying in intensity depending on each individual possibility.

Fifth, was the material intended for use for nefarious activities within India or was it intended to go across the borders? Both have serious connotations but cross-border smuggling of illicit materials is even more serious given that in the past one such consignment was caught in Nepal, while another was intercepted at the Indo-Bangladesh border. India is not known to have installed any radiological detection devices on its land border crossings.

Pakistan, on the other hand, has installed radiation detection portals at all border crossings to prevent illicit trafficking of radiological/nuclear materials. This extensive effort was undertaken years ago by Pakistan Nuclear Regulatory Authority and the Security Division of National Command Authority in collaboration with the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Finally, how much material has already leaked through the system undetected? This may not be easy to determine but has the most serious consequences.

There have been demands in Pakistan for the international organisations, especially the IAEA to investigate these incidents and hold India to account. These demands ignore the fact that IAEA has no jurisdiction in such matters other than providing technical assistance if asked for by the country concerned. India is a state party to the Convention on Physical Protection of Nuclear Materials (CPPNM) and its additional protocol which obliges it to ensure the safety and security of nuclear materials at its nuclear installations and in transit. It is also a member of the Nuclear Safety Convention which obliges member states to establish an autonomous regulatory authority which India has failed to do. The UNSCR-1540 also makes it incumbent upon all states to tighten their legal and administrative structures to prevent access to dangerous nuclear materials by non-state actors and unauthorised persons. However, despite this the 1540 committee has no jurisdiction to investigate such security lapses.

It is a universally accepted principle that nuclear security is a national responsibility but there are other ways and means by which states should be evaluated before granting them privileged status in the nuclear regime. States that energetically pursued the grant of exceptional NSG waiver to India and have been supporting its entry into the group since then need to pause and think. It is evident that President George W. Bush, while formally signing the US-India nuclear deal in 2006 had prematurely given India the certification of a ‘responsible nuclear power with advanced nuclear capabilities.’

This article was published in The Friday Times on June 18, 2021, https://www.thefridaytimes.com/indias-uranium-trafficking-problem/

 

Dr Naeem Salik

Dr. Naeem Salik is a Senior Research Fellow at the Center for International Strategic Studies (CISS).

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Brigadier (Retired) Dr. Naeem Salik
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Brigadier (Retired) Dr. Naeem Salik is a Ph.D. in Political Science and International Relations from the University of Western Australia. He holds a Master’s in International Politics and Strategic Studies from the University of Wales, UK and a Master’s in History from the Punjab University. He has been a visiting fellow at the Stimson Centre, Stanford University, Brookings Institution and School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University.

He has served in the Pakistan Army in a variety of assignments for 33 years including a fairly long tenure as Director Arms Control and Disarmament Affairs at the Strategic Plans Division. He has taught post-graduate courses at the Department of Defence & Strategic Studies at the Quaid-i-Azam University from 1994 to 2005. He also taught Masters and M Phil courses at the Strategic & Nuclear Studies Department at National Defence University, Islamabad.

He has attended numerous international conferences and track-2 initiatives and has published over 30 research articles and book chapters on strategic and security issues. His book ‘Genesis of South Asian Nuclear Deterrence’ was published by the Oxford University Press in 2009. His second book on “Learning to Live with The Bomb – Pakistan 1998-2016” came out in 2017 and is a valuable addition to the subject. He is working as a Senior Research Fellow at CISS, Islamabad.

Mr Syed Ali Abbas

Research Officer/ Comm Officer/ Managing Editor CISS Insight

Syed Ali Abbas is a Research Officer/Communication Officer at the Center for International Strategic Studies (CISS), Islamabad. Previously, he served as an associate editor at Indus News Network. His areas of interest include Middle East politics, military modernization, foreign policy, and nuclear politics. He has contributed to various platforms, including The National Interest, South Asian Voices, and others.

Dr Anum Riaz

Associate Director Research

Dr. Anum Riaz is the Associate Director Research at the Center for International Strategic Studies, Islamabad. She holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the Department of Political Science at Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan. She also possesses M.Phil. and M.Sc. degrees from the Department of Defence and Strategic Studies at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. Additionally, she has taught BS and Master’s students at the Department of Political Science at Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan. Her areas of interest include strategic studies, international relations, international nuclear politics, the nuclear non-proliferation regime, arms control and disarmament, as well as traditional and non-traditional security issues.

Dr Bilal Zubair

Director Research

Dr. Bilal Zubair has worked as an Assistant Professor at the National Defence University Islamabad and Lecturer at the National University of Science and Technology. He holds a Ph.D. and M. Phil. in International Relations from Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad. Dr. Zubair is author of the book Chinese Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in the United States (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024) and contributed to several journal articles and book chapters focusing on soft power, diplomacy, and China’s role in international relations.

His research has been published in various academic journals, and he has presented at international conferences Dr. Zubair has also been an active reviewer and editorial board member. His professional interests include great power politics, and the role of communication in global diplomacy.

Mr Mobeen Jafar Mir

Research Officer

Mobeen Jafar Mir is a Research Officer at the Center for International Strategic Studies (CISS), Islamabad. His research focuses on U.S. foreign policy, particularly in the areas of strategy, technology, and arms control. He is currently pursuing an M.Phil. in International Relations at the School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. He can be found on Twitter @jafar_mobeen.

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